✯✯✯ The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia

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The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia

Laissez-faire means to "let it be"; opposed to government intervention in economics because capitalists believe it introduces inefficiencies. Besides pioneering the revivals of The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia and Thomism, they Maslows Hierarchy Analysis initiate such philosophical movements as Romanticism, Traditionalism, Semi-Rationalism, Spiritualism, Ontologism, and Integralism The roots of Greek ascendancy can be traced to the The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia of The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia Ottomans for skilled and educated negotiators as the power of their empire declined The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia they The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia compelled to rely on treaties more than the force of arms. Mumbai: The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia. Succeeded by Sir William Fitzwilliam. During the "calamitous" fourteenth century with Theory Of Grievance plaguefamine and warspeople were thrown into confusion and despair. He is a putrid establishment The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia Marine Veterinary Medicine Research Paper was The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia spectacular failure as a President. The How Did Abraham Lincoln Influence People discourses concerning politics thus develop, broaden and flow from their ethical underpinnings. The Class System In Thomas Mores Utopia Kurt Vonneguts Slaughterhouse Five were common in the larger towns and cities of Europe by the twelfth century.

Utopia by Sir Thomas More - Book 2, Chapter 2

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Political rationalism emphasizes the employment of reason in social affairs: that is, individuals ought to submit to the logic and universality of reason rather than their own subjective or cultural preconceptions. Rationalists argue that reason unifies humanity politically and hence is a conducive vehicle to peace. Irrationalists, on the other hand, downplay the efficacy of reason in our human affairs or more particularly in our social affairs. Irrationalists of all hues can also criticize rationalists for ignoring the subtle wisdom of intellectual and social heritage that often lies beneath contemporary society or which is deemed necessary for the reasoning mind; politically, they consider the demands of reason to be rationalizations of a particular culture usually the criticism is leveled against the West rather than demands that are universal or universalizable claiming that political solutions that appear rational to one group cannot necessarily be translated as solutions for another group.

Some irrationalists uphold polylogism — the theory that there are or ought to be more than one form of logic, which ultimately collapses into an epistemological subjectivism. However, other irrationalists deny that the human mind develops alternative logics around the world, but that human action does develop alternative methods of living in different places and from different historical circumstances. To return to the epistemological problems facing holism, the existence of overlapping loyalties that often characterize groups presents a strong criticism against collectivist doctrines: which group ought to be the subject of analysis when an individual belongs to more than one sociological entity?

The rationalist aspires to avoid such fractional implications of polylogism by maintaining the unity of human logic. Yet, if the rationalist is also an individualist, the paradox arises that individuals are united into the collective whole of rational beings all individuals share reason , whereas irrationalism collapses into a plurality of individualistic epistemologies all groups are ultimately composed of subjectivists.

Nonetheless, between individualists who emphasize the sacred status of the individual and collectivists who emphasize the sacred status of the group exist a panoply of schools of thought that derive their impetus from the philosophical shades — the gray overlapping areas, which are today found in the perpetual disputes between individualists and communitarians. Having illuminated some of the extremes that characterize political philosophy with regards to method and terminology, the major schools of thought can be introduced.

What will be noted is not just to which end of the methodological spectrum the school leans, but also its implied connections to ethics. Similarly, other aspects need to be elucidated: does the school emphasize the primacy of reason in social affairs, or does it underplay the role of reason in political affairs in favor of the forces of history, heritage, emotional or tribal predispositions? Students of political philosophy ought to be aware of the two schools of thought that reside under the same banner to avoid philosophical confusions that can be resolved by a clarification of terms. Yet, the pro-statist connotation pervades modern thinking so much so that it is difficult to separate its notions from the previous meanings without re-classifying one or the other.

In the broadest, presently popularly accepted term the modern liberal accepts rights against the person and rights to entitlements such as health care and education. The two positions do not sit well philosophically however, for they produce a host of potential and recurrent inconsistencies and contradictions that can only be resolved by stretching the definition of freedom to include the freedom to succeed or freedom to resources rather than the freedom to try. This sometimes generates difficult and perhaps insurmountable problems for those who seek to merge the classical and modern doctrines; nonetheless, the modern liberal project is actively pursued by modern thinkers such as J.

For these writers, the historical emphasis on toleration, plurality and justice underscore their work; they differ on their interpretation of toleration, public and private roles, and the perceived need for opportunities to be created or not. That may require active state intervention in some areas — areas that classical liberals would reject as being inadmissible in a free economy. Poverty is not conducive to pursuing the contemplative life, hence many modern liberals are attracted to redistributive or welfare policies.

Both modern and classical liberals may refer to the theory of a social contract to justify either their emphasis on the free realm of the individual or the fostering of those conditions liberals in general deem necessary for human flourishing. Liberals of both variations have never believed such a contract ever took place, but use the model to assess the present status of society according to criteria they believe the contract should include. Hobbes leaned towards a more authoritarian version of the contract in which individuals give up all political rights except that of self-preservation which he sees as a natural, inalienable right to the sovereign political body whose primary duty is to ensure the peace; John Locke leaned towards a more limited government but one that could justly take the alienable life of an aggressor ; Rousseau sought a thoroughly democratic vision of the social contract; and more recently Rawls has entertained what rights and entitlements a social contract committee would allot themselves if they had no knowledge and hence prejudices of each other.

Both classical and modern liberals agree that the government has a strict duty towards impartiality and hence to treating people equally, and that it should also be neutral in its evaluation of what the good life is. Nonetheless, broad liberalism accepts and emphasizes that people ought to be tolerant towards their fellow men and women. The modern importance of toleration stems from the Renaissance and post-Reformation reactions to the division in the Church and the ensuing persecutions against heterodoxy.

Freedom in religious belief extends to other realms of human activity that do not negatively affect neighbors, for example in sexual or romantic activities, the consumption of narcotics, and the perusal of pornography. But what is philosophically more important is that the liberal doctrine of toleration permits the acceptance of errors — that in pursuing the ethical good life and hence the appropriate political life, people may make mistakes and should be permitted to learn and adapt as they see fit; or, alternatively, that people have a right to live in ignorance or to pursue knowledge as they think best.

This is held in common with political conservatives who are somewhat more pessimistic and skeptical of our abilities than most liberals. Life, for the liberal, should be led from the inside self-oriented rather than outside other- imposed ; but modern liberals add that individuals ought to be provided with the resources to ensure that they can live the good life as they see fit. The classical liberal retort is who will provide those resources and to what age should people be deemed incapable of learning or striving by themselves? Despite such differences over policy, liberals — of both the social democratic and classical strain — predominantly hold an optimistic view of human nature. Liberals applaud those institutions that reason sustains as being conducive to human freedoms: classical liberals emphasizing those institutions that protect the negative freedoms rights against aggression and theft and social democratic liberals the positive freedoms rights to a certain standard of living.

If an institution is lacking according to a critical and rational analysis — failing in its duty to uphold a certain liberal value — then it is to be reorganized for the empowerment of humanity. At this juncture, liberals also divide between deontological Rawls and utilitarian theorists Mill. Most classical liberals ascribe to a general form of utilitarianism in which social institutions are to be reorganized along lines of benefiting the greatest number.

This attracts criticism from conservatives and deontologists — according to what ends? Deontologists are not precluded from supporting liberalism Immanuel Kant is the most influential thinker in that regard , for they hold that the proper society and hence political institutions should generate those rules and institutions that are right in themselves, regardless of the particular presumed ends we are seeking for example, happiness. Modern liberals lean towards a more interventionist government, and as such they place more emphasis on the ability of the state to produce the right political sphere for humanity and thusly emphasize reform projects more than classical liberals or conservatives. Peace, to choose one example, could be brought to warring peoples or natives if only they admit to the clearly defined and rational proposals of the liberal creed — that is, they should release themselves from parochial prejudices and superstitions and submit to the cosmopolitanism of liberal toleration and peace.

These kind of programs, the modern liberals argue, ideally should be implemented by the world community through international bodies such as the UN rather than unilaterally which could arouse complaints against imperialist motives; however, once the beneficial classical or modern liberal framework is created, the state and political institutions ought to remain ethically neutral and impartial: the state is to be separated from imposing itself on or subsidizing any belief system, cultural rites, forms of behavior or consumption so long as they do not interfere in the lives of others. The liberal seeks the best form of government which will permit the individual to pursue life as he or she sees fit within a neutral framework, and it is the possibility of a neutral framework that critics challenge the liberal ideal.

This approach plays down the unifying or omniscient implications of liberalism and its unifying rationalism and thus accords institutions or modes of behavior that have weathered the centuries a greater respect than liberals. The first issue facing the conservative is: what ought to be secured against, say, a popular but misguided temporary rebellion? How long does an institution have to exist before it gains the respect of the philosophical conservative? Here, the philosopher must refer to a deeper level of analysis and proceed to question the nature and purpose of the institution in light of some standard. Liberalism turns to reason, which is broadly accepted as the unifying element to human societies, but conservatives believe that reason can be highly overestimated for it belongs to single individuals and hence to their own political motives, errors, prejudices and so on.

Their emphasis is thus not on the ensuing hypothetical pacifying social contract but on the prevalence of fear in human society. Critics — for example, of an anarchist or socialist strain — claim that such fears are a product of the presiding social environment and its concomitant values and are not the product of human nature or social intercourse per se.

Such opponents emphasize the need to reform society to release people from a life of fear, which conservatives in turn consider a utopian pipe dream unbefitting a realistic political philosophy. For conservatives, the value of institutions cannot always be examined according to the rational analysis of the present generation. This imposes a demand on conservatism to explain or justify the rationale of supporting historical institutions.

Accordingly, in contrast to many liberals, conservatives decry the notion of a social contract — or even its possibility in a modern context. Since societies evolve and develop through time, present generations possess duties and responsibilities whose origins and original reasons may now be lost to us, but which, for some thinkers, still require our acceptance. But conservatives reply that since institutions and morals evolve, their weaknesses and defects will become apparent and thereby will gradually be reformed or merely dropped as public pressure against them changes.

What the conservative opposes is the potential absolutist position of either the liberal or the socialist who considers a form of behavior or an institution to be valid and hence politically binding for all time. They are thus skeptical of large scale planning, whether it be constitutional or economical or cultural. Well, at least you can say that that is the typical Australian response. Mind you, while I'm no big fan of totalitarianism, you have to admit that this whole democratic experiment, at least in the west, is pretty messed up.

Well, not quite, because the Germans have seemed to have worked it out quite well, and seem to be chugging along quite happily. Even the British seem to have some reasonably level headed people in power and whatever you think of Teresa May, at least she is nowhere near as bad as Tony Abbot, or the Trumpet for that matter. Yet, despite Hobbes not really being as applicable to our times, in a way he is. He was looking at a country that was in a complete mess and his solution was to go back to the tried and true method — a king — it certainly had to be better that people running around shooting each other.

Maybe we could solve our problems by asking Angela Merkel to come over here and sort us out. Hey, at least the Norwegians made sure that the mining companies actually paid for all of the minerals they took out of their lands — over here we simply let them take them. If I were to walk into a shop and start helping myself to all of their goodies I'd be arrested. I guess that is what the matra of 'jobs, growth, and opportunity' gets you these days. Oct 22, Alex MacMillan rated it liked it. Their rejection of his social contract coincides with an optimistic Lockean faith in the capabilities and moral fortitude necessary for negative liberties to survive. Hobbesian pessimism in human nature is a cold bucket of water tempering our enthusiastic assumption of a free polis because it demonstrates how democratic freedom is contingent upon the behavior everyone demonstrates.

Fear of death is the primary motivation for our surrender to political authority. A government's legitimacy therefore necessitates the capacity for retributive action against internal and external threats. The power of the individual and group is relational to the behavioral impact they exact on others. Individual rights and liberties independent of government remain the exception, not the rule, of most persons throughout recorded history, past and present. How and why do the rights outlined by John Locke, that we often take for granted, exist at all? They depend on the internal morality of the individual who receives them, which themselves depend on Enlightenment values held dear by everyone around that person.

I do not think that we are born blank slates in the state of nature, or cynically view moral sentiments as a vacuous social construct. The gradual shift in favorability towards democracy, from Socratic aversion to Jeffersonian approval based upon Locke, reflected the piecemeal formation of internal Leviathans that made democracy possible. If the hypothetical man of the state of nature is self-reliantly rational and reasonable rather than nasty and brutish, we can entrust him with freedom without risking our security from death. The American middle class is often derisively mocked at my University for the values its members hold dear.

The eternal Hobbesian preeminence of security within us, however, makes it wiser to consider the utilitarian importance of their self-restraint for the preservation of any freedom at all. In brief, Hobbes argues for a strong central government headed by an absolute sovereign. But some of his other theories are a bit more intriguingly off. Maybe throw in Yeats as well! That would be even more entertaining than a soiree with Hobbes and Jefferson.

Jun 10, Alex rated it did not like it Shelves: philosophy. Dec 02, Andrew rated it it was amazing. Leviathan is a major work of philosophy. Full stop. It's interesting to think that this book is the fundamental root of a lot of ultra-conservative brains. On some level, I can understand this. Hobbes defends the divine right of royal power to a certain extent and proceeds to define this power as absolute. Without question, subjects must bow to their masters, under any circumstances. In all this, however, he ultimately says that a monarch's power is granted him by his subjects, for without subj Leviathan is a major work of philosophy.

In all this, however, he ultimately says that a monarch's power is granted him by his subjects, for without subjects a monarch is king of nothing, decrees cannot be carried out, etc. I don't remember the text of the book all that much. I read it mostly while on the bus to my job at Domino's Pizza a couple years ago. I suppose it comforted me to think that having to deal with my egomaniacal boss was a work of divine devotion, as opposed to an oppressive hell. The book did convince me of some truths that needed accepting at the time, that for all the brutality of my boss at work, he would ultimately fall, when his actions became tyrannical enough to convince his employees that he was not fit to rule.

Which they did forthwith, and he was subsequently fired. So they told me. Another employee told me he went to work at the Domino's in Federal Way, some miles south of Seattle, which seems like a suitable enough punishment, if you feel like I do about Federal Way i. Leviathan changed my life. The old-timey language and syntax took some getting used to, but it's definitely worth a read. View 1 comment. Thomas Hobbes discourse on civil and ecclesiatical governance, he analyses this in four parts, firstly via a discourse of man and the first principles of society; secondly he looks at the institution of a commonwealth and varying principles governing such, as here listed: "The sovereign has twelve principal rights: 1.

Therefore, the sovereign may judge what opinions and doctrines are averse, who shall be allowed to speak to multitudes, and who shall examine the doctrines of all books before they are published. Thirdly, Hobbes considers a 'Christian commonwealth' and governance based on 'the scriptures', considering discrepancies between scriptural and civil law Fourthy, the 'kingdom of darkness' is considered in reference to ignorance, and the absence of the light of knowledge.

Leviathan was written during the English Civil War and Hobbes reiterates his views on sovereignity and social contract theory Overall I think this was a rather interesting read and would recommend it to anyone who makes politics thier interest. View all 3 comments. Jun 30, Tristram Shandy rated it really liked it Shelves: philosophy , classic-english-literature.

Although probably not an empiricist in the strictest sense of the word, Hobbes is allergic to any kind of metaphysical malarkey when he claims that philosophy should be based on clear-cut definitions which will allow people to discuss both the natural and the social world in terms of intersubjective concepts. The prime sources of knowledge to him are our senses which are influenced by impressions that work on them via certain motions. How these motions are deciphered and interpreted by our senses, however, is a question Hobbes leaves in the dark. One of the methods he recommends in order to understand man, though, is careful introspection. This is probably one of the reasons why Hobbes is abhorred by so many full-time do-gooders and free-time mythicists all over the world: Hobbes destroys cherished beliefs and slams shut the door to cloud-cuckoo-land, and what he offers us instead might be neither flattering nor soothing.

We might and should applaud this as the process of civilization. Of course, Hobbes leaves no doubt that the sovereign is exempt from any form of control or checks and balances, and he could by no means accept the concept of a separation of powers, and I am pretty sure that no one would like to live in the Common-Wealth designed and justified by Hobbes, or at least no one that has not experienced the insecurity of a lack of reliable government and of civil war. Nevertheless there is one big merit one has to do Hobbes justice for, and this is that he is one of the first modern European philosophers who had a utilitarian idea of the state and of government.

According to him the state and the sovereign are neither God-given nor anything eternal and ethereal, least of all a super-organism, that makes the individual find the kind of sense he would never discover as an individual — you know, that sort of claptrap crap you would find in German Idealism. It is in this sense that Hobbes is essentially modern. View all 9 comments. May 31, Steven Peterson rated it it was amazing. His view of the state of nature--that time before government and the state existed--is unsurprising when one understands that he was born in the year of the erstwhile invasion by the Spanish Armada and lived through civil turmoil and revolution in England throughout his life. Hobbes begins with a view of human life that would be inconceivable to the Greeks--life in a state of nature, the time before government, laws, and the state existed.

In this state, humans are equal. In terms of physical prowess, of course, some are stronger than others. However, the weakest, through guile, can still kill the strongest. In that sense, there is equality. Without the power of government to keep people in check, though, we find quarrels routinely breaking out. The motives are threefold: self-gain, safety, and reputation or glory. The result is horrible, and here follows perhaps the single most well known statement penned by Hobbes: "Hereby it is manifest, that during the time men live without a common Power to keep them all in awe, they are in a condition which is called Warre; and such a warre, as is of every man, against every man. In such condition, there is no place for Industry; because the fruit thereof is uncertain; and consequently no Culture of the Earth; no navigation, nor use of the commodities that may be imported by Sea; no commodious Building; no Instruments of moving, and removing such things as require much force; no Knowledge of the face of the Earth; no account of Time; no Arts; no Letters; no Society; and which is worst of all, continual feare, and danger of violent death; And the life of man, solitary, poore, nasty, brutish, and short.

Humans are, after all, according to Hobbes, capable of reason. Individual reason leads people to realize that they must do something to escape ". Feare of Death; Desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living; and a Hope by their Industry to obtain them. This is defined by Hobbes as ". The mechanism for this is the "social contract," by which people in the state of nature covenant with one another to form a powerful government, so powerful that it can suppress individuals' efforts to seek self-advantage as under the state of nature. A "Leviathan" is needed.

However, if the state ceases to protect people's lives, the contract can be voided; revolution is an acceptable option for the citizenry then. However, the price is terrible, for with the dissolution of the state, people are plunged back into the nightmare of the state of nature. They would have to re-enact a contract to escape the ravages of the perpetual war. Key points in Hobbes: the focus is on the individual rather than society, hence this is an individualistic system; human reason is considered to be central to attaining peace and harmony; humans can perceive the essence of natural laws through the powers of their reason; by contracting with one another, the people can control their destinies and produce an environment which they find more commodious for living fruitfully.

An important early work in the development of Modern thinking and liberal political thought. A must read work for those interested in Western political philosophy. For the most part, I admire Hobbes even if I disagree with half of what he's saying. The first part of this book appeals to me mostly because both of us acknowledge the inherent shortcomings of human kind. While I can't really deny that there is a "mutual relationship between protection and obedience", I'm my view there is a limit to it. The social contract should not be respected by the populus without complaint or demand. What is needed is a democracy not a tyranny. For the most part, I think i For the most part, I admire Hobbes even if I disagree with half of what he's saying.

For the most part, I think it's easy to ignore Hobbes since we live in a fairly stable democracy, but that's the wrong attitude to take. Because when a revolution or a radical attempt at change goes wrong, you can't say Hobbes didn't warn you. It's not hard to see why this is considered so important. He goes one step beyond Machiavelli and just totally blows apart the last remaining shreds of virtue-derived political praxis.

Politics no longer has anything to do with the idea of 'the good,' what we have now is a secular system in which we consent to have rulers to protect our own interests, however noble or terrible they may be, because without that framework we'd just live like animals, fighting absolutely everything else in the worl It's not hard to see why this is considered so important. Politics no longer has anything to do with the idea of 'the good,' what we have now is a secular system in which we consent to have rulers to protect our own interests, however noble or terrible they may be, because without that framework we'd just live like animals, fighting absolutely everything else in the world for resources.

Some of it's a bit creepy, like his notion that you can't legitimately criticize the sovereign, etc. The biggest obstacle to this is his writing style. This has to be one of the driest texts of any kind I've come across. He exhaustively clarifies absolutely every assertion, and usually offers some kind of addendum for each clarification. If you think Aquinas and Aristotle are too sloppy, this is probably to your liking.

Personally, I found it hard to stay awake for large tracts of it. May 12, Amy rated it it was amazing Shelves: jurisprudence , hobbes , oxford , re-read-in But this re-read admittedly, something of a skim for the last half , I was forced to admit the truth of what my professor says. Aug 28, Stephen rated it liked it Shelves: easton-press , on-deck-next , philosophy , audiobook , classics-european , polly-sighs-and-pubic-policy , , classics. I read this when I was in college during a political science course. I plan to re-read this in the near future and will give a more detailed review at that time.

Sep 24, Xander rated it really liked it. In the Leviathan , Hobbes builds on his earlier works to offer his contemporaries the solution to the horrors of the English Civil War: an authoritarian dictatorship. How succesful Hobbes was in convincing his contemporaries is beyond my knowledge, but I do know that Hobbes was treated as a black sheep even after his death. A huge part of this treatment has its origins in Hobbes' materialistic and, according to contemporarties: atheist philosophy, but I can't shake the belief that Hobbes In the Leviathan , Hobbes builds on his earlier works to offer his contemporaries the solution to the horrors of the English Civil War: an authoritarian dictatorship.

A huge part of this treatment has its origins in Hobbes' materialistic and, according to contemporarties: atheist philosophy, but I can't shake the belief that Hobbes' plea for absolute sovereignty was perceived as a threat to nobility and clergy alike. I will not go into Hobbes' philosophy see my earlier review of his book, The Elements of Law, Natural and Politic.

Suffice it to say that Hobbes starts with a pessimistic view of man in nature: a perpetual war of all against all, with no place for industry and society. To end this horrible state of nature, mankind agrees to give up the right of defending themselves i. This sovereign is absolute, in the sense that it has legislative and executive power. There's a lot more to say about Hobbes' picture of the state, which I will not do in this review. To name just two examples, Hobbes seems to have the most confidence in an absolute monarchy - he doesn't seem to be a fan of aristocracy, let alone democracy. This is understandable: Hobbes had friends in high royal circles, who protected him from persecution by religious zealots, and maybe he was just plain honest in wishing the old pre-Civil War situation restored England ruled by a royal family.

According to Hobbes', monarchy is the most stable; but maybe we can have a different opinion in the 21st century, having lived in prosperous and peaceful democracies for more than a century. Anyway, I will not moralize historical works. A second interesting point is that, even though half of the Leviathan is concerned with religion, Hobbes seems to attack Christianity outright. I'm not talking about his materialist philosophy, but about his view on power. Hobbes promotes dictatorship: the sovereign power be it aristocracy, monarchy or democracy decides what goes; the church has to obey.

If there's a conflict of interest between church and state, good Christians should obey the state. In effect, what Hobbes does is transferring all church power to the sovereign - no wonder that most of his Christian contemporaries were furious! How does Hobbes legitimate this claim? Well, we should dsitinguish between heavenly and earthly power. The sovereign preferably the king rules the earthly state; the church has only power concerning spiritual powers.

A good Christian should believe in Jesus Chirst and obey the laws - and for Hobbes God's laws are natural laws, according to which the state is run. The church has no power over the sovereign. It is hard to understand the importance of the Leviathan for modern-day readers: most of us are used to living in secular countries. But this is really the first major historical step towards a secular state; before Hobbes, there was no convincing philosophical justification of the seperation between church and state. Leviathan is hard to follow at times, and in general seems outdated and abstract.

It is an important historical document though. This makes it worth reading maybe just some parts. On a material level, Hobbes' materialism means humans are just that, matter in motion. He explains the passions as the impressions of external objects and internal states, deliberation as the train of passions before acting on it, and the will as the final passion acted out.

On a higher level, the state is a Leviathan, a Sovereign with Absolute Power who translates natural law into civil law, and through this, guides society on a path to peace and prosperity. Leviathan, referring to the Book of Job, is a name well-chosen: Pride and Vanity are two of the most common and dangerous passions of Man, which lead to strife. According to Hobbes, the State is an Artificial Man, with its own particular organs, limbs, and functions. It is still unclear to me what Hobbes' stance was on religion. His own doctrines seem to counter religious doctrines on fundamental points, yet almost half of Leviathan is dedicated to religion, and in pointing the Catholic Church to the notion that the Kingdom of God is still to come, so their claim to Universal Authority over Kings, is misguided and deceitful Hobbes uses countless examples and interpretations from the Scripture.

Interesting thoughts: his fulminating against the Catholic Church and the Scottish Church, as well as the Universities as the 'Kingdome of Darkness' with their muddled and deceitful doctrines. He destroys Aristoteleanism with the simple statement that this whole philosophy is based on concepts which signify Nothing. Essences, entities, essentialities, etc. We see here, in Hobbes, the radical break with the past, as was happening at the time with Galileo, Descartes and Gassendi whom Hobbes met on his various European Tours. And this historical fact, the epic and radical thoughts contained in Leviathan, its completeness and consistency, as well as its literary value - all this makes me appreciate Hobbes and his Leviathan all the more.

I am glad I re-read it, so I can adjust my own perception of his philosophy and the book in particular. Book 2: The commonwealth - Sovereign, Absolute Power, conditions and threats of commonwealths, civil law as justice, the workings of the social body political bodies, justice, economics, taxation, education, ministers, councils, etc. Book 3: The role and place of the Church - subservient to the State.

Sovereign is God's servant, Church is not.

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